Futures of Learning

This literature review began with an expectation to learn about everyday practices of Korean youth who are exposed to one of the most techno-savvy environments. Since the last decade, a period of time in which Korea transformed itself into Digital Korea, Korean youth have been indulging in the latest new media technologies – from broadband Internet to mobile TV- and continuously making up the rules of its use ad hoc. No other generation of Korean youth has had such cultural power through the use of technology. They are major residents and managers of vast online communities, avid gamers who support the world’s largest online game industry, and users of the newest mobile media. Korean youth’s roles as early adopters and explorers of new media technologies elevate their position to the bearers of future hope: social agents who are compelled to continue future national development in an ever-evolving IT Korea. Most of all, studies of Korean youth media practices provide a fascinating lead to further our awareness about the integral role of culture in shaping technological use, by manifesting how the local appropriation of technology prefigures the potential of technology.

So far, in spite of Korea’s reputation for the most vibrant new media culture, Korean youth’s concrete practices and tactics of navigating this highly charged techno-sphere are not well known to the rest of the world. To fill the gap of knowledge in regards to the ‘locality’ of global digital youth culture, I attempted to draw from as many Korean studies on Korean digital youth as possible. Although the majority of studies on youth practices of new media technologies in Korea revolve around the issues of policies and media effects, it is notable that Korean scholars unanimously confirm the centrality of participatory youth culture in the establishment of Korean new media space across every ICT-sectors. However, as major commercial sites such as portals, Cyworld, Lineage, and Pandora TV become the center of academic attention, youth practices outside of these commercially established media spaces still remain unexplored. In this context, the recent candlelight protest is interesting in that it demonstrates how young people quickly took over established media spaces through their salient and creative use of new media technologies, though momentarily, to mobilize public opinions. The dramatic transformation of fangirls into ‘candlelight sonyeo (girls)’ during the candlelight protest suggests the further potential of new media technologies in cultivating a new mode of civic engagement and political communication beyond the boundary of online.

Under current circumstances where the Korean government and media industry are increasingly blatant and more direct in their control of the creation and distribution of online media content, however, it is not certain if Korean youth online culture is heading toward a bright future that fully maximizes the prospectus of Korea’s renowned technological progress. The notorious “Minerva Case” early this year - in which a star power blogger was persecuted for his critical posts on current government’s economic policies- shows that the power of online space as an alternative channel to expand the freedom of speech is still a vulnerable construct. This tension between regulations and disruptions in regards to the public adaptation of new media technologies is not something new. On a brighter note, as young people continue to respond to and intercept these restrictive attempts with more creative tactics, a new form of public knowledge on how to counteract or measure this centralizing hegemony will accumulate accordingly.
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In 2001, a series of high school girls’ eccentric romance story, That Bastard was Cool (Geu Nomeun Meosisseosda), sparked teenage readers to flock into Daum Internet café. It was the beginning of Internet novel syndrome. The phenomenal success of this idiosyncratic and unconventional novel establishes its author, a sixteen-year-old high school girl whose Internet ID and penname were Gwiyoni (which literally means ‘Cute One’), as the icon of youth Internet culture. That Bastard was Cool scored 8 million views online, sold 500,000 copies when published as a print book later, and eventually was made into a movie in 2004. Its popularity even crossed the border to nearby Asian countries including Japan, China, Taiwan, and Thailand where the popularity of the Korean Wave was surging to its peak. Gwiyoni herself joined the so-called league of ‘Korean Wave Stars’ who enjoyed widespread fandom overseas. Following up That Bastard was Cool, Gwiyoni published five more Internet novels until 2006. Most of her novels have been adapted to movies that target the teenage girl market by starring popular young actors: Seduction of Wolf (Neukdaeui Yuhok; English movie title: Romance of Their Own) and That Bastard was Cool (English movie title: The Guy) in 2004, Doremipasolasido in 2008, and To You currently under production.

The popularity of Gwiyoni’s short, comical, lighthearted, episodic stories about everyday school life and teenage romance not only shook the professional literature community but also the popular media. In fact, Gwiyoni syndrome did not come out of the blue. Before WWW was introduced to Korea, several pre-internet novels, with similar styles and subjects, attracted young readers to a cyber space that was running on Telnet system (PC Tongsin in Korean) in the early 1990s. Gwiyoni syndrome brought out this underground youth subculture, particularly girls’ subculture, to the surface of public discourse (Kim & Kim, 2004).

Most of all, Gwiyoni’s novels were severely criticized and frowned upon by adults due to her constant usage of informal and colloquial languages, internet idioms, foul expression, and emoticons – all in violation of traditional language structure. However, Gwiyoni’s violation of the linguistic code was not new but familiar to young people. Gwiyoni Syndrome is significant in that it represents the migration/expansion of youth linguistic code that young people constantly create and share with their peers through SMS of mobile phone and Internet chats in their everyday life (Choi, 2003). This trend of sharing new linguistic codes within their intimate networks dates back to the popularity of Tongsin Eoneo (Internet Communication Idioms) in the times of beepers and early Internet community. While Gwiyoni’s informal use of language mostly consists of Tongsin Eoneo, there is also a popular trend of using more radical and broken form of language, which is called Oegyeeo (Alien Words). The creation of and the sharing of Oegyeeo tend to be exclusively limited to young people’s intimate networks (mostly, early teens) or special online communities such as ‘Teusumunja Manddang’ (Special Words Heaven, Daum), which has more than 1 million members. The level of deconstruction for Oegyeeo, which dissects and fabricates a grammatical system while mix-and-matches foreign words, is so radical that ordinary Koreans cannot understand or decipher their meaning (Yoo, 2003). In this sense, Choi argues that the Gwiyoni syndrome illustrates the broader changes in culture, from “Print literature based” to “Electronic literature based,” (Cho, 2007) and the advent of a new form of youth digital storytelling.

In a broader context, Internet novel syndrome signaled the expansion of girl’s participatory fandom culture in online space, which already existed before Internet in the form of fanzine (fan magazine) and/or fan art. Right before Gwiyoni syndrome, writing and sharing fanfics (fan fictions) about pop stars (mostly male idol stars) emerged highly visible activities across Internet fan cafes. Daum alone hosted around 9241 fanfic cafes and the largest one had over 300,000 members in 2003. Just like the Gwiyoni syndrome, girls’ fanfic writing also came under public scrutiny, but for a different reason. In 2000, the Ministry of Information and Telecommunication introduced new online content rating system for youth protection and fanfics, which often contain the story about homosexual relationship, were selected as harmful contents to censor. As fangirls organized online protests against contents censorship through Internet cafés, girls’ writing culture suddenly emerged as a hot topic in popular media (Jo & Kim, 2005). These examples demonstrate how Internet provides an alternative space and effective tools for Korean girls to create “communities of fantasy”; those in constant struggle with cultural authorities (Kim & Kim, 2004).

As image producing technologies - such as digital camera, mobile phone camera, and editing softwares/applications - became widely available, literary form of youth play was replaced by various multimedia productions. Creating and circulating fun content such as parody pictures, often with political satire, emerged as a representative of online play culture. Two notable examples are Yeopgi Syndrome and JJang syndrome. Originally, the term Yeopgi referred only to ‘weird, uncanny, pervert or frightening phenomena’, but the term now indicates all weirdly funny things and operates as a code of light humor among Korean youth since 2000. All sorts of media contents – pictures, video clips, and literatures – with the Yeopgi code populated online space, feeding young people’s insatiable appetite for unique fun: certain internet cafes such as ‘DC inside’ acquired new reputation for their famous Yeopgi contents. The other example is the Jjang (the best) syndrome, which involves online voting by netizens on uploaded self-photos, which often becomes a “gateway towards stardom”(Choi, 2006). Various types of jjangs, such as uljjang (person with the best face) and mom- jjang (person with the best physique), have become “catchphrases in society, entertainment business and other areas” in contemporary Korea (Choi, 2006: 180).

Recently, various forms of contents produced by netizens are touted in the name of UCC (User Created Contents). In most cases, UCC refers to shared video contents in online space. As major portals open special services for UCC, following on the successful models of UCC sites like Pandora TV, it became a hot item in current mediaspace in Korea. Initially, UCC fever is largely based on the prevalent and notorious P2P file sharing culture. In the past, free/illegal downloading and repurposing were adopted as alternative tactics to share commercially unavailable contents due to limited access to foreign media contents and/or inefficient distribution systems. While media industry is slowly shaping new business models to counteract this practice, the active reappropriation and consumption of popular cultural contents from overseas (particularly, Japanese pop music/TV drama/animation) in the form of UCC is still widespread. For example, young Korean fans’ various fandom activities around trans-Asian television drama contents form a significant part of UCC sites (Kim & Lee, 2005).

Researches show that women, especially female college students, are more active in producing and consuming UCC (Yim, 2008). It is noted that the central motivation to create and share UCC is ‘self-expression’ and ‘getting recognition from others’ (Sung & Lee, 2007). Still, 90 percent of UCC is repurposed works out of existing media contents. In this sense, the significance of UCC culture lies more in that it represents the decentralized mode of media distribution (Jeon, 2008). This aspect of UCC, as a potentially democratic media form, becomes more apparent when it serves a journalistic purpose. Indeed, the social implication of UCC, as an emerging form of journalism to monitor and engage both macro and micro-level social issues, is one of the widely discussed topics in Korea (Kim, 2008; Kang, 2007; Lee & Kim, 2007). During the 2006 presidential election campaign, UCC appeared as the preferred tool for expressing political views, especially among college students (Ban & Kim, 2007).

However, as the cultural influence of UCC is increasing, the debate over its legitimacy as a viable media form is also intensifying. Various issues, such as policies and regulations on UCC for youth protection and legal copyrights, are still unresolved. It has become a daily battle between the major portals who regularly monitor illegal ripping of media contents, media producers who seek for additional profits through ‘one-content-multi-use’ strategies, and bloggers who want to repurpose these media contents. In the end, although debates about whether these syndromes actually reflect young people’s productive use of new media technology still continue, these various forms of syndromes demonstrate that young peoples’ reappropriation of media contents with their newly acquired technological mastery have become a predominant practice in Korean online space.

References

English Sources

Choi, J. (2006). Living in Cyworld: Contextualizing Cy-ties in South Korea. In A. Bruns & J. Jacobs (Eds.), Uses of Blogs. (pp. 173-186). New York: Peter Lang.

Korean Sources

Ban, H., & Kim, S. J. (2007).  Dongyongsang UCC yiyongwa Jeongchi Hengtee gwanhan Yeongu: Dehaksengdeuleui UCC yiyonggwa Jeongchi News Yiyongeul Jungsimeuro (A Study of Relationship between UCC Usage and Political Behavior: Focus on College Student Voters` Usage of UCC and Political News). Cyber Communication Studies, 22(0), 123-166.

Cho, H. (2007). Munja Munhakeseo Jeonja Munhakeuro (From Print Literature to Electronic Literature). Seoul, Korea: Hangil Publisher.

Choi, M. (2003). N-sedewa Internet soseuleui Nolli -Gwiyeonieui Soseuleul Jungsimeuro (N-Generation and the Logic of Internet Novels - Centering on Gwiyeoni’s Novels). Public Narrative Studies, 10, 34-63.

Jeon, G. (2008). Cybergongganeui Seroun Sotong, UCC: Dongyeongsang UCCeui Textjeok Teukjinggwa Munhwajeok Hameuieh gwanhan Yeongu (A Study on the Textuality and the Cultural Implications of Video UCC). Cyber Communication Studies, 25(2), 337-370.

Jo, H., & Kim, J. (2005). Cheongsonyeun Mania Munhwaeui Siltewa Jeongchekgwaje (Present of Youth Fandom Culture and Policy Issues). Korea: National Youth Policy Institute.

Kang, J. (2007). UCC Yeongsang Munhwaeui Hameuiwa Munjejeom Yeongu: Simcheung Interviewreul Yiyonghan Dehaksengui Insiksarereul Jungsimeuro (Study on Meanings and Issues Related to UCC Visual Culture: Cognition Case Study by depth Interview with University Students). Korean Broadcasting & Telecommunication Studies, 21(6), 9-43.

Kim, H., & Kim, M. (2004). Fapiceui Sengsangwa Sobireul Tonghe bon Sonyeodeuleui Seong Fantasywa Jeongchijeok Hameui (A Fantasy of Fanfic and the Politics). Korea Journalism Studies, 48(3), 330-478.

Kim, H., & Lee, C. (2007). Cyber J-Dorama: Internetsangui Ilbondrama Sobijuchewa Yutongui Mechanism (Cyber J-Dorama: Agencies and Mechanism of the Consumption and Distribution of Japanese Drama in Online Space). In Cho H.J. et al (Eds.), Internet and Asian Cultural Studies. Seoul, Korea: Yonsei University Press.

Kim, S. (2008). Cybergongganeui Seroun Sotong, UCC: UCC Journalismeui Yironjeok Gochal (Theoretical Analysis of the UCC Journalism). Cyber Communication Studies, 25(2), 221-262

Lee, K., & Kim, M. (2007). “Chamyeojeok Model"roseoui “Performance hak” sigakeuro bon UCC (A Cultural Study of UCC (User Created Contents) from the Perspective of Performance Studies As a “Participatory Model"). Korean Broadcasting & Telecommunication Studies, 21(4), 217-254.

Sung, M. H., & Lee, I. H. (2007). Dongyeongsang UCCeui Yiyong dongiwa Manjoke gwanhan Tamsekjeok Yeongu (Uses and Gratifications of User-Created Contents: Expressing Self with Self-Produced Video Clips). Korea Association for Communication and Information Studies Journal, 40(0), 45-80.

Yim, J. (2008). Yeoja Daehaksengeui UCC sobiwa Sengsangeul Tonghe bon Suyongja Neungdongseonge gwanhan Yeongu (Reconceptualizing Audience Activities: Female College Students` UGC Consumption and Production). Korean Broadcasting & Telecommunication Studies, 22(4), 320-354

Yoo, H. (2003 10). We don’t want to play with you. Hankyoreh 21,478.

If mobile phones are the driving force of the convergent media culture in Korea, then Eomjijok, the Korean version of ‘Thumb Tribe,’ is behind the wheel. Early global youth mobile phone studies have showed that youth mobile phone culture, which is centered on the use of text message and play culture, redefined the mobile phone technology. Apparently, Korean youth mobile phone culture shares many traits to those in other mobile savvy countries. When the mobile phone was first introduced in 1999, it was mainly businessmen who adopted this new technology as an alternative communication tool (Kim, 2001). With the introduction of the text message, however, the mobile phone quickly became the icon of young people. Their swift texting skills and the use of idiosyncratic code languages became typical indicators to identify the Eomjijok. In fact, this notion of Thumb Tribe is popularly adopted throughout East Asia –across China, Korea, and Japan (Bell, 2005). It is hypothesized that the original Japanese coinage of Oyayubisoku (‘Thumb Tribe’) traveled to Korea and was translated as Eomjijok.

Eomjijok & Thumbelinas

Indeed, Eomjijok, is another name of N generation and Digital Sinillyu. Hence, most discussions in early days of the mobile phone focus on their distinctive cultural identity and significance for the transformation in Korean society (Kim, 2005; Kim, 2005; Choi et al, 2005). On the one hand, young people’s quick adoption of mobile phones was interpreted as the reflection of increasing desire to sustain individualism against traditionally collectivist Korean culture. Young people prefer the mobile phone because it allows informal, personal, and unregulated communication (Kwon & Choi, 2003). In that regards, exclusive text message culture of Eomjijok was considered a part of youth subculture (Park, 2000). However, young people’s excessive use of mobile phones was easily criticized as a symptom of addiction. In other cases, their mastery of this new technology presented subversive effects that might violate authorities and/or principles of the official educational system: as seen in the case of the notorious ‘college entrance cheating incident through SMS’ in 2004 (Sung et al, 2007). The massive scale of the incident and young people’s elaborate manipulation of the mobile phone for the crime generated the sensational scandal and stirred up social anxieties about the digital gap between generations. On the other hand, researches show that mobile phones reconfirm young people’s peer networks, which continues the traditional sociality and cultural identity rather than to encroach on them (Na, 2001). Yoon (2003, 2006) argues this ‘relation-oriented’ usage pattern of Korean youth demonstrates the localized practice of mobile phone use and challenges the general assumption on mobile phone as an individualistic technology.

If Eomjijok defined a newly emerged youth mobile phone culture, then the current young generation is born into mobile technology culture. As mobile phones evolve into convergent personal media in Korea, the popularity of the term Eomjijok is slowly fading out. Korean youth become savvy mobile phone users in the early stages of their life. According to the recent research report by KTF (2009), Korean adolescents (12-18) own their first mobile phone comparatively earlier than those in Japan, China, India, and Mexico (www.hani.co.kr). 80.6 percent of Korean adolescents have their own mobile phone (Japan, 77.3%, Mexico, 64%, China, 48.9, and India, 30.6%). Especially, Korea shows higher penetration rate in younger groups. 87.7 percent of 12 years old Korean adolescents already use mobile phones, which far surpasses other countries (Japan, 50%, Mexico, 45.1%, China, 27.7%, and India 11.6 %). In addition, what they care most about is ‘functions and designs’ of mobile phones. Interestingly, regarding their children’s mobile phone usage, Korean parents consider the (excessive) service charge first while parents in other countries express concern about possible exposure to inappropriate content (like adult content) through mobile phones.

Text message is still the most preferred mode of communication among Korean youth; but, the salient use of other mobile phone features - mobile phone imaging, sharing, and MMS messaging- is redefining the culture of Eomjijok (Lee, 2001; Lee et al, 2002; Lee, 2003). Recently, diverse multimedia content services such as ring tones, music files, video contents, games, and location-based services have become the favorite features for Korean youth (Kim, 2005). In particular, teenage girls appear to be more savvy consumers and active adoptors of these additional services. Studies show that there have been “major gender shifts through the usage of 3G mobile phone practices that have seen stereotypes such as female users as ‘passive’ and male users as ‘active’ dismantled” (Hjorth & Kim, 2005; 51). In general, women are “more active than men in their adaptability and willingness to adopt the multi-media functions of mobile phone” in Korea (Lee & Seun, 2004). Beginning with text messaging, Thumbellinas indeed shaped the way in which the mobile phone was appropriated as ‘affective digital technology.’ As girls play with ‘emotext’ (emoticon + Text) and ‘chatting’ among their peers, mobile phones serve to increase the sense of intimacy and belonging to their culture (Kim et al, 2006). It is also common for girls to use mobile phones as a ‘personal memory box,’ the object of emotional affection in and through which they store and share their pictures and/or various gift items (Kim & Lee, 2007). As observed in other countries, Korean girls are passionate about customizing their mobile phones and consider mobile phones as a tool to display their personal identities, much like a fashion accessory (Hjorth & Kim, 2005; Hjorth, 2008: Lee, 2004).

Mobile Screen

What is particularly unique about Korean youth mobile culture is the prevalent use of screen aspect of the mobile phone that parallels with developments in other mobile media. Most screen-based mobile media services target young people as their primary consumers. For example, 3G mobile multimedia content is a particular service added to meet and maximize the demands of young people. All three mobile operators in Korea have already put emphasis on the youth market sectors by offering specialized rate plans for college students (ages 18-23) and high school students (ages 13-18)(Castells, 2007). Therefore, Korean youth are comparatively more exposed to the latest mobile media service due to the highly segmented and customized service plans and innovative services designed especially for them.

In order to satisfy young people’s appetite, Korean mobile operators explored mobile-specific contents since 2002: SK Telecom’s mobile cinema series and mobile drama are good examples. In particular, Fives Stars (2004) is interesting in that it represents the entertainment business strategy to commercialize and appropriate digital youth culture, particularly, girls subculture (Ok, 2008). Fives Stars was advertised as the first ‘mobile interactive drama’ while simultaneously functioning as a multimedia entertainment project that included other auxiliary media projects such as Idol Boy bands, digital photography picture book, OST, music videos, and even mobile games. Premiering in October 2004, Five Stars set the record as the most popular original mobile drama produced in Korea as well as the 3rd most popular drama among all mobile video contents on SK Telecom’s network. It is reported that 75,000 users accessed its service for the first 15 days and more than 400,000 users have downloaded it. Most of all, its appeal originates from the fact that it adopted the popular Internet novel by Gwiyoni, a famous girl writer whose idiosyncratic writings generated syndrome since early 2000s. In fact, Gwiyoni syndrome represents young people’s increasing new media production in online space, which I will discuss in a subsequent post. In this way, Fives Stars demonstrates how new media technology – such as Internet and mobile phones – constructs the commercial, but yet alternative space for youth and vice versa.

Increasing popularity of PMP (portable media player) and convergent mobile media among youth people intensifies this trend toward the personal screen culture, driving young people, who already migrated to the online for media consumption, further away from conventional media. It is reported that 2,300,000 PMP (portable media player) were sold in 2007, surmounting the sales of TV sets at 2,100,000. Chung Seok-Won, Vice-President of Raincom, credits the dramatic increase of sales of PMP to the “frenzy of downloaded video clip such as American TV shows and UCC since the beginning of 2006”(www.chosun.com). Due to the comparatively high cost of purchasing these devices and accessing multimedia contents, young adults who are in their early twenties more actively engage with the mobile screen. They typically watch downloaded content (TV drama, animation, and movies) or TV broadcasting through the mobile TV service during their commute or down time (Ok, 2008).

It is not surprising that with the vigorous uptake of mobile screens, social anxieties about young people’s private consumption of media content without adults’ supervision have increased. Adult contents, which encompass semi-nude pictures of female star entertainers and erotic cartoons/novels, have proven to be the most profitable mobile video contents. It is acknowledged that from the early days of mobile content services, mobile adult contents have been condemned to be the most profitable yet shameful ‘gold mine’ for mobile phone service providers. It has also been the most visible target of heated public debate for its potential to damage and corrupt social customs, particularly for its presumed ‘bad’ influence on young people. In early 2005, the Commission on Youth Protection, a government agency, expanded its precautionary monitoring on the ‘potentially harmful content’ to mobile content service and urged mobile service providers to install appropriate screening systems in order to forbid children’s access to adults contents through such measure as ‘Special Mobile Service Contract for Youth Protection’. In June 2006, the Commission on Youth Protection filed a lawsuit against mobile service providers for transmitting ‘illegal pornographic content’. Eventually, after legal persecutions, SK Telecom declared the termination of all adult contents in July 2006.

Overall, Korean youth usages of mobile phones demonstrate that mobile phone technology allows young people to create an alternative space outside of their daily institutionalized environment.

References

English Sources

Bell, G. (2005). The Age of the Thumb: A Cultural Reading of Mobile Technologies from Asia. In P. Glotz & S. Bertschi (Eds.), Thumb Culture: Social Trends and Mobile Phone Use (pp. 67-87). Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag.

Castells, M. et al. (2007). Mobile Communication and Society: A Global Perspective. . Cambridge: MIT Press.

Kim, J. (2005). An Examination and Comparison of Mobile Phone Uses by Adolescents and Adults. Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies, 49(3), 262-386.

Kwon, I., & Choi, J. (2003). Understanding Youth Culture and Characteristics of Cellular Phone Communication in Korea. Studies on Korean Youth, 14(2), 81-118.

Hjorth, L. (2008). Being Real in the Mobile Reel: A Case Study on Convergent Mobile Media as Domesticated New Media in Seoul, South Korea. Convergence, 14(1), 91-104.

Hjorth, L., & Kim, H. (2005). Being There and Being Here: Gendered Customizing of 3G Mobile Practices – Through a Case Study in Seoul. Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies, 11, 49-55.

Lee, D. (2005). Women’s Creation of Camera Phone Culture. Fibreculture Journal, Mobility, New Social Intensities and the Coordinates of Digital Networks, (6). Retrieved September 2007 from http://journal.fibreculture.org/issue6/.

Lee, D., & Seun, H. (2004). Is There a Gender Difference in Mobile Phone Usage? In Proceedings of Mobile Communication and Social Change Conference. Seoul, Korea.

Ok. H. (2008). Screens on the Move: Media Convergence and Mobile Culture in Korea. Doctoral dissertation, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA.

Yoon, K. (2003). Retraditionalizing the Mobile: Young People’s Sociality and Mobile Phone Use in Seoul, South Korea. European Journal of Cultural Studies, 6(3), 327-343.
------, (2006). The making of Neo-Confucian Cyberkids: Representations of Young Mobile phone Users in South Korea. New Media Society, 8(5), 753-771.

Korean Sources

Kim, E. et al (2006). Mobile Sonyeodeului Suda Ddeolgi (Mobile Girls’ Chatting). In D.H. Lee et al (Eds.), Mobile Girls @ digital.asia. Paju, Korea: Hanul Academy.

Kim, H. (2005). Cheongsonyeongwa Hyudejeonhwa (Adolescents and Mobile Phone). Issue Report, Seoul, Korea: Korea Agency for Digital Opportunity & Promotion.

Kim, M. (2005). Yidong Jeonhwareul Tonghan Eomeoni Noreutui Jesengsan (Reproduction of Mothering Role through Mobile Phone Use). Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies, 49(4), 140-165.

Kim, S. (2001). Homotellephonicuseuui Deongjang: Yidongjeonhwa Hwaksaneui Yeonghyaneul Michin Sahyoemunhwajeok Yoine Gwanhan Yeongu (The Emergence of Homotelephonicus: The Study of Socio-cultural factors of the dissemination of Mobile Phone). Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies, 45(2), 62-85.

Kim, Y., & Lee, J. (2006). Jeongseojeok Mediaroseoui Handphone: Sipdeyeoseongdeului Ilsangjeok Handphone Sayongeul Jungsimeuro (Handphone as Emotional Media: Focusing on the Teenage Girl’s Daily Use of Handphone). In D.H. Lee et al (Eds.), Mobile . Paju, Korea: Hanul Academy.

Lee, J. (2001). Chigo Tterigi, Munjaserviceui Chogakseong, geurigo Sotongui Kyoirak: N sedeui Munjaservice Sobiwa Munhwa Ilgi (Tinkering, Tactility of Text Message Service, and the Pleasure of Communication: N Generation’s Text Message Culture). In Proceedings of Annual Conference of Korean Society of Journalism & Communication Studies (pp. 48-83). Seoul, Korea.

Lee, S. (2003). Yidongjeonhwa Yiyonge Kwanhan Yeongu: Eumseongtonghwaservicewa Munjaserviceganui Kwangyereul Jungsimeuro (Mobile Phone Use: Relationship between Voice call Service and Text message service). Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies, 47(5), 87-114.

Lim, S. et al. (2006). Sonyeodeului Handphone Nolyi (Girls’ Handphone Play). In D.H. Lee et al (Eds.), Mobile Girls @ digital.asia. Paju, Korea: Hanul Academy.

Na, E. (2001). Yidongjeonhwa chetaekui Yeonghyangeul michineun Yidongjeonhwa Communicationui Sokseonge Gwanhan Yeongu (The Study of Media Specificity of Mobile Phone in Relation to the User’s Choice of Mobile Phone Service. Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies, 45(4), 189-228.
------, (2005). Cheongsonyeuneui Yidonjeonhwa Echakyiyong, Hyogwa Jigak mit Communication Hyonyeunggam: 2002, 2004 nyeun Seoul, Sudogweon Jijeok Junggodeunghaksengeul Jungsimeuro (Teens’ Usage of Mobile Phone, Perception of the Effects of Mobile Phone, and Efficacy for Communication: Survey on Middle and High School Students in 2002 and 2004). Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies, 49(6), 198-232.

Park, J. (2000). Cheongsonyeundeului Yidongjeonhwa Yiyong Hyeonsangeso Natananeun Hawimunhwajeok Teukseonge kwanhan Yeongu (Subcultural Characteristics of Adolescent’s Mobile Phone Use). Master Thesis, Seoul National University, Seoul, Korea.

Sung, Y., Park, H. W., & Park, S. (2006). Cheongsonyeuneui Newmedia Yiyonghyeunhwanggwa Munjejeom mit Deyeungbangan - Mobileeul Jungsimeuro- (New Media Use of Adolescents, Problems and Policies: With Focus on Mobile). Seoul; Korea: Korea Institute for Youth Development.