Futures of Learning

Online game and PC bang (Internet café) are two key words that represent Korean game culture. In early 2000s, online gaming emerged as the primary mode of gaming due to the rapid penetration of broadband Internet network. In fact, scholars argue that online games were a “catalyst for creating an increasing demand for broadband connection” since the huge success of StarCraft, the first phenomenally popular online game title introduced in 1999 (Huhh, 2008). In a short time, Korean game industry has risen to top and online game services have become representative cultural exports of Korea, particularly in the global MMORPG market. For example, since first launched in 1998, Lineage, the most successful domestic MMORGP, has built one of the prominent MMORPG worlds that boasts the largest share of global market (combining Lineage I (21.9 %) and Lineage II (23.1 %).

Before online game arrived, Korea also had arcade games and video game culture since the early 1980s, but their influences were circumscribed due to Korea’s complex historical context. As a repercussion of the colonial experience, Korea government regulated and imposed restrictions on the import of Japanese arcade games, early portable games, and console games (both hardware and software) until 2004. Arcade game parlors, which operated with pirated or copied game softwares, flourished as popular local hangouts among young people. But console games have not taken up its momentum for Korean gamer as much as in other countries. This social context paradoxically facilitated the growth of domestic online games, which took advantage of the absence of strong competitors as well as the latest technology of broadband Internet.

The context of 1997 economic crisis is particularly important in the development of online game, as for other ICT uptakes. Huhh (2008) elaborates this unique contextual aspect of Korea online game, wherein with the collapse of conventional industries, human/financial resources flooded into the game industry. Massive population of youth in teens and twenties transformed themselves into gamers, often unwillingly with more free time to devote to gaming due to the exacerbated job markets. This migration of cultural resources led to the boom of PC bang as a new profitable business. Subsequent development and the success of adjacent institutions such as game TV channels and professional game leagues promoted gaming as a serious leisure activity: appropriated as e-sports. Like all other ICT uptakes in Korea during this period, online gaming industry also benefited from the government’s strategic support, whose favorable policies for the industry have become a benchmarking model for other countries such as China and Singapore (Chung, 2008). For this reason, issues of policy/regulations, technological innovation, and the business strategies of game culture have attracted the most attention from both domestic and overseas scholars who either aim to promote domestic game industry or unearth the secret of its success (Dai & Chee, 2008).

From the beginning, young people were major players in the gaming scene as well as main residents in the thousands of PC bangs located in every corner of the street. Initially, the public discourse surrounding gaming had a rather positive, at least not condemning, tone as Korean youth’s mastery of new media technology was generally considered productive for the future of the nation. However, the emergence of new forms of social problems that were linked to intensive gaming culture stirred up social anxiety about the ‘incomprehensible youth culture’ spiraling out of control. Such notorious incidents as death by excessive gaming, game item stealing/selling, and murder in the revenge for PK (player killing within game) has easily led to the dismissive public debate on the hazards of game addiction and youth delinquency (Sung & Lee , 2003).

Heaven of Gamers: PC bang

PC bang is perhaps the most discussed topic both in and outside Korea as it represents culturally specific gaming practices in Korea. In 2007, Seoul alone hosted 22,000 PC bangs, which are ubiquitous in most second-levels of buildings on the street (Huhh, 2008). Like Internet cafes in other countries, PC bang provides the physical place where general public can have easy access to the Internet service: It is mainly for gaming in Korea. However, PC bang in Korea is a social and economic institution central to the formulation of Korean business models such as “IP pricing,” “no-subscription fee system/micro-transaction,” and “GongSungJun” (in-game Guild Warfare often collectively conducted at PC bangs) (Yoon, 2003; Huhh, 2008). It is also the cultural space where ‘collective’ gaming formed as the predominant practice of Korean gamers. In addition, PC bang serves as a local community for gamers. Consequently, it nourishes the future career of young gamers to step up into the professional game leagues, bridging between online and offline game world and amateur and professional game sphere. In particular, PC bang is the center of gaming-related youth leisure culture outside of official education institutions and after schools, what Florence Chee defines “the third place”(Chee, 2005; 2006). Motivations and individual needs vary but teens mostly go to PC bang to socialize with peers, whether it is for gaming and/or for dating (Yoon, 2001). Also it provides the pseudo/alternative private space for solitary gamers outside of the parents’ surveillance (Sung & Lee, 2003a). As high-speed broadband has become more easily accessible at home, however, solitary gaming in the private gaming environment is increasing. In 2005, 76.5 percent of gamers reported that they play mostly at home (Ahn, 2005).

Playing Together: MMORPG

It is this ‘social play’ of gaming that represents Korean game culture. Most attempts to recuperate the positive effect of online gaming focus on the gamers’ extended ‘sociality.’ In general, young Korean gamers engage with online game out of such motivations as “drive for power” (Lee, 2002), “easy access”(Nam & Lee, 2005), “stress relief and escapism”(Lee, 2003), “fun”(Jeong & Lee, 2001), and “sociality, entertainment, and escapism.”(Lee, 2003). Among diverse online game genres, MMORPG is the most popular genre and the favored subject of academic studies although online game market has greatly diversified since the sensational success of the casual online game Kart Rider in 2004. Research findings show that social interaction is the central characteristics of the MMORPG genre and the attraction of ‘networking’ is the major factor of the success of online game genre (Yoon Sunny, 2001). In this regard, numerous studies analyze the formation of game community, guild activities, and pro-gamers centered on specific game titles.

Reflecting its cultural hegemony, Lineage world is also the most studied from various perspectives, in terms of its formal structure, aesthetics, social effects, and gamers’ practices. In particular, the issue of ‘sociality of Lineage players’ has generated vigorous discussion (Han, 2000; Hwang et al, 2004; Jang, 2005; Steinkuehler, 2006; Whang, 2003, 2004; Park & Yu, 2008). 50 percent of Korean gamers consider friends who they meet within the Lineage world to be as equally important as their real-life friends, acknowledging Lineage functions as a pseudo real world (Hwang et al, 2004). Experiences in Lineage world have also proven to nourish gamers’ offline leadership (Lim & Park, 2007) and embedded game activities such as micro-transaction, item trading, and internet item buying, encourage young people to engage in diverse economic activities (Kang, 2007; Lee et al, 2007). Scholars argue that these diverse social activities that are manifested in gaming present possible learning opportunities for Korean youth to extend their social interaction and reaffirm their sense of presence (Um et al, 2005).

Mobile Gaming

Overshadowed by the dominance of online games, other modes and forms of games have been marginalized in the academic discussion. Recently, the increasing popularity of mobile gaming for a wide range of generations, especially among women, is particularly noteworthy. In Korea, mobile phone is the common platform to play mobile games, which are mostly mobile version of online games provided through mobile content service. Portable game devices such as Sony DSP and Nintendo DS are slowly taking up the attention of casual gamers, regardless of gender. Since Nintendo DS went on sale in 2006, it has sold 2 mil consoles as of 2008 (http://kotaku.com). The appeal of mobile games based on their female friendly genres and aesthetics raises an interesting question regarding the gendered aspect of gaming culture (Jeon, 2007a, 2007b; Hjorth, 2006, 2007).

Indeed, female gamers have increased from 29.9 percent in 2005 to 31.5 percent in 2006 and they show more preference for mobile games (Korean Game Industry Promotion Agency, 2006). Many women see online and offline game worlds as constructions of masculine space and feel social restraints or societal pressure in navigating these worlds. Jeon (2007b) argues that mobile game provides spatial freedom for female gamers from male dominant social orders in conventional game space. However, there exist continuing (cultural) restrictions of mobility for female gamers, as most female mobile gamers prefer to play at home in contrast to male players who enjoy unrestricted playing at school or work place. Therefore, it is not surprising that ‘solitary gaming’ is the prominent mode among female mobile gamers. The popularity of ‘board game’ genre, especially on mobile phone, seems to reiterate this tendency. For example, Gostop, a traditional Korean card game, was the most popular board game among adult mobile gamer in 2004 and Gostop and poker games have continuously dominate the mobile game market (Han et al, 2005).

Young female mobile gamers play with their peers in a more relaxed environment since the games do not require engagement with collective guild and clan activities as seen in serious PC-based online gaming. They often exchange text messages or chats with their friends while playing the same mobile games. In this sense, mobile gaming forms the part of ‘casual intimacy-oriented’ youth peer culture (Hjorth, 2007; Jeon, 2007a). Significantly, cute aesthetics of mobile games played a key role in attracting these marginalized groups of gamers, who were already accustomed to it through other new media services such as Cyworld. At the same time, simple and easy application of these cute casual games invited female gamers who initially had resistance to serious online gaming due to their lack of technical or social skills. The sensational success of Kart Rider is a good example. When it was first launched in 2004, it was hard to expect this cute racing online game would topple the famous StarCraft. Unlike heavy and complicated MMORPG game, Kart Rider was also easily adapted to the mobile platform. More than 2 million individuals played it everyday and up to 220,000 users are connected simultaneously during peak hours (Cho, 2005). Considering that convergent mobile devices are at the center of the changing new media environment in Korea, there is no question that gaming will expand its charm to a wider population, probably outside of PC bang.

References

English Sources

Chang, B., Lee, S., & Kim, B. (2006). Exploring Factors Affecting the Adoption and Continuance of Online Games among College Students in South Korea: Integrating Uses and Gratification and Diffusion of Innovation Approaches. New Media Society, 8(2), 295-319.

Chee, F. (2005). Understanding Korean Experiences of Online Game Hype, Identity, and the Menace of the “Wang-tta”. Vancouver, Canada. Retrieved July 30, 2008, from http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/1620.
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Chung, P. (2008). New Media for Social Change: Globalization and the Online Gaming Industries of South Korea and Singapore. Science Technology and Society, 13(2), 303-323.

Dal Yong Jin, & Chee, F. (2008). Age of New Media Empires: A Critical Interpretation of the Korean Online Game Industry. Games and Culture, 3(1), 38-58.

Hjorth, L. (2006). Playing at Being Mobile: Gaming and Cute Culture in South Korea . Fibreculture Journal, (8). Retrieved August 29, 2008, from http://journal.fibreculture.org/issue8/issue8_hjorth.html.
------. (2007). The Game of Being Mobile: One Media History of Gaming and Mobile Technologies in Asia-Pacific. Convergence, 13(4), 369-381.

Huhh, J. (2008). Culture and Business of PC Bangs in Korea. Games and Culture, 3(1), 26-37.

Steinkuehler, C. (2006). The Mangle of Play. Games and Culture, 1(3), 199-213.

Whang, L. S. (2003). Online Game Dynamics in Korean Society: Experiences and Lifestyles in the Online Game World. Korea Journal, 43(3), 7-34.

Whang, L. S, & Chang, G. (2004). Lifestyles of Virtual World Residents: Living in the On-Line Game “Lineage”. CyberPsychology & Behavior, 7(5), 592-600.

Korean Sources

Ahn, D. (2005). Cheongsonyeonui Internet Yiyong Hengtega Samuigile Michineun Yeonghyang: Online Gameeul Jungsimuiro (An Influence of Adolescents` Online Game Playing on Quality of Life). Korean Association for Policy Sciences Report, 9(4), 259-287.

Han, C. (2000). Online Gameeu Sahyeujeok Gineung Yeongu: Lineagereul Jungsimeuro (A Study of Social Function of Online Games: Focus on Lineage). Electronic Engineering Studies, 27(9).

Han, K. H., Kim, T. U., & Kim, Y. K. (2005).  Yiyongkwa Manjok Kwanjeomeseo bon Mobilegame Yiyonheh Kwanhan Yeongu (A Study on Mobile Game Usage of Adolescent from Use and Gratifications Perspective). Computer Education Studies, , 8(2), 61-73.

Hwang, S., Kim, J., & Im, J. (2004). Sangpumuiroseoui Online Game Segyewa Yeokhalnolyijaroseoui Online game Sobijaui Hengdong Teukseong (The Online Game World as a Product and the Behavioral Characteristics of Online Game Consumers as Role Player). Journal of the Science of Emotion & Sensibility, 7(3), 37-50.

Jang, K. (2005). MMORPGeui Sahweoijeok Hameui: Gameeui Jinhwa, Siljegam, Gondongche, Munhwa (Social Implication of MMORPG: The Evolution of Game, Sense of Presence, Community, and Culture). Information Science Studies, 23(6).

Jeon, G. (2007a).  Yeoseong Gamerui Gamehagiwa Geo Munhwajeok Euimie dehan Yeongu: Golevel Yeoseong Gamerui Gamehagireul Jungsimuiro (A study of Women in Digital Games and Their Gaming). Cyber Communication Studies, 22(0), 83-117.
------, (2007b).  Mobile Gamekwa Yidongseongui Seongbeulhwa: Yeoseongui Yidongjeunhwa gamehagiui Tamsekjeok Gochal (Mobility and Playability: A Study on the Female Mobile Phone Gamers). Korean Broadcasting Studies, 21, 536-573.

Jeong, Y., & Lee, S. (n.d.). Namjacheongsonyeunui Computer Gameyiyonggwa Game jungdokseong mit Gonggeokseong (Computer Gaming and Addiction/Aggressive Behaviors among Male Adolescents). Dehan Family Studies, 39, 67-80.

Kang, J. (2007). Online Game Item Sijangyi Gamemunhwae michineun Yeonghyange gwanhan Gochal (The Effect of Online Game Item Market on Game Culture). In Proceedings of the Korean Sociology Conference (pp. 19-33). Korea.

Lee, E., & Park, H. (2007). Cheongsonyeunui Internet Item Gumemanjok Yuhyeonghwawa Gyeoljeongyoin (Adolescent Consumers’ Internet-Item Shopping Satisfaction: Satisfaction Types and Its Determinants). Consumer Culture Studies, 10(4), 173-196.

Lee, H. (2002). Cheongsonyeondeului Eumranmul, Eumranchatting, Pokryeokgame Jungdokgyeonghyeome dehan Bigyobunseok (A Comparative Study of Adolescents’ Addictive Experience of Adults content and Violent Game). Youth Studies, 9(1), 91-114.

Lee, H. (2003). Cheongsonyeunui Game Yiyonggwa GeinSahyuijeok Yoinyi Gamemolyipgwa Gamejungdoke michineun Yeonghyang (A Study of Adolescents’ Motivations of Gaming and the Effect of Personal and Social factors on Game Addiction). Youth Studies, 10(4), 355-380.
Lim , S., & Park, N. (2007). Dasayongja online Roleplaying Game Yiyong Donggiwa Offline Leadership Yeonghwang Yeongu (MMORPG Users’ Motivations and the Spill-over Effect on their off-line Leadership Development). Korean Journalism & Communication Studies, 51(5), 332-485.

Nam, Y., & Lee, S. (2005). Cheongsonyeunui Internet Jungdol Yuhyeonge Ddareun Wihyeumyoin mit Bohoyoingwa Jeongsingeungang Bigyoyeongu (A Comparative Study of Dangerous Aspects and Protective Aspects of Adolescents’ Game Addiction). Korean Social Welfare Studies, 57, 195-222.

Park, S., & Yu, B. (2008). Online Communityui Hyoyulseongyi Online Community Molyipe Michineun Yeonghwang (The Effect of Online Community Effectiveness on Online Community Commitment: Focus on Online Game Community). In Proceedings of the 2008 International Economics Joint Conference (pp. 1-12). Seoul, Korea.

Sung, Y., & Lee, S. (2003a). Gameban Cheongsonyeonui Siberiltal Kwajeonge Kwanhan Munhwagisuljeok Yeongu (An Ethnographic Study on Cyber-Delinquency among Adolescents). Association of Child Studies Report, 24(3), 109-134.
------, (2003b). Cheongsonyeuneu Onlinegame Molipgwajeonge Gwanhan Munhwagisulseok Yeongu (An Ethnographic Study of Online game Commitment among Adolescents). Adolescents Counseling Study, 11(1), 96-115.

Um, M., Kim, T., & Kim, C. (2005). Online gameeui Ehodoeh Gwanhan Siljeungjeolk Yeongu: Sanghojakyongseonggwa Hyeunjongameul Jungsimeuro (Exploratory Study of Loyalty to Online Games: Focus on Interactivity and the Sense of Presence). Management Science, 22(1).

Yoon, S. (2003). Networkgamegwa Yeongsangmunhwa, Geu Gujowa Jucheeui Dynamism (Network Game and Visual Culture : Dynamics between the structure and Subject). Sasang, Summer, 214-243.
------, (2001). When the Starcraft Launches on the other side of Planet: An Ethnographic Study of the Network Game in Korea. Korea Journalism Studies, 45(2), 316-437.

In 1997, the first major portal Daum began its free email service and subsequently opened Internet cafes (public forums) two years later. Since its early days, online space in Korea was rarely considered as purely cyber or virtual space occupied by techno-geek. Instead, the strong connectivity between online and offline reality defines Internet as an inextricable part of techno-culture in Korea. While the excessive commercialism of internet culture often becomes the target of cultural critique, its potential as an alternative public space that can harbor diverse voices free from the regulations of authorities and can nourish new ways of civil democracy attracts the attention of both Korean and foreign scholars. The early buzz about Ohmynews is a typical example of celebrating the new form of ‘citizen journalism’ (Rheingold, 2002). Cho (2007) assesses that these vigorous civil and voluntary experiments characterize early days of Internet in Korea (1998-2002) as “temporary self-regulated space,” until it was eventually governed by commercial networks.

In this context, it is not surprising that ‘online community’ is at the center of the discussion. Since early 2000s, online community, housed in several major portals such as Daum and Naver, has become the main site for online activities. These domestic portal sites yield the enormous power of structuring Korean Internet culture in unique ways. For example, among general Korean Internet users, Naver is the most popular search engine with its famous Jishiin, one of the early crowd sourcing search system if not the first to incorporate the ‘collective wisdom.’ Although Naver’s search engine mostly provides information within its own network, Korean users prefer its easy and quick access to useful information garnered from its huge database of individual blogs, public forums, news and multimedia content. Naver and Daum occupy 88.3 percent of domestic search engine market while Google falls short with 2.1 percent share (NIA, 2008). At the same time, numerous online communities and public forms in these sites, spread across diverse categories such as tastes, ages, and vocations, tend to be more influential than individual power bloggers in shaping public opinion (i.e. Daum Agora Café). When the controversial social issues arise, they easily turn into the sites for public debate that often accompanies new forms of political actions such as online petition, cyber protest, and the relay of banners. In 2008, Daum alone had around 7.3 million cafes running and the average of 3000 – 4000 new cafes opened daily (www.daum.net).

Young people are main residents of this online space. Their activities in various online communities have become the central focus of the discourse on cyber youth culture. In conversation with the overall changes of Korean society in political and cultural sphere since the 1990s, Bae (2003) and Yoon (2001) define the ‘Net’ generation as a new social group growing out of online community. In the same vein, Choi (2005) argues Net generation embodies a new form of identity that blends newly emerged individualistic lifestyle and anonymous networking in online space, which is distinguished from the existing social behaviors of older generations. This socio-psychological approach constructs the image of Korean youth who easily accept the cyber space as an extension of the real world and enjoy exploring diverse new media tools for self-expression (Hwang, 2000; Soh, 2002).

In particular, interest-driven online communities are major playgrounds for Korean youth. They are the center for active knowledge building and informal learning that is motivated by diverse leisure activities. According to Cho (2006), in 2003, 99.1 percent of Korean adolescents who used computers daily, logged in to the Internet and 89.1 percent of them has a membership in more than one online community: Each person had an average of 13.7 communities. The overpowering presence of the youth in online community is increasing each year. In 2003, 77.7 percent of the Daum café user is in their teens and twenties and they also make the majority of the café managers (Kang, 2003). Young people join online community activities primarily “to share with same interest and taste” (62.9%) and continue engaging with them “in order to attain information or knowledge”(39.9%) (Hwang, 2003). Fan communities are full of these shared learning activities, often about other cultures. For example, it is common for young people to teach each other basic level Japanese in a typical portable game fan community (Cho, 2006). The popularity of online community-based activities is often attributed to its function as the emotional outlet for youth in Korea, where alternative play culture and the democratic communication structure across generations tend to be repressed in real life. In that sense, youth targeted online communities such as Sayclub (Kang, 2003) and Damoim (Kim, 2003) meet their desire to hang out and carve out their own space outside of adult supervision and social pressures.

On the other side, blogging is another prevalent online practice. In fact, Korea “boasts the second largest number of bloggers in the world, surpassed only by the Unites States of America” (Choi, 2006). However, it is interesting that blogging in Korea is closely linked with the adoption of social network sites (SNS). While blogs are considered to be the private space compared to the more public-oriented online communities, young people use blog primarily “to build and maintain social relationship” rather than to engage “journalistic or participatory activities” (Kim, 2006; Choi, 2006). Cyworld, one of the first SNS service in the world that was introduced in 1999, represents this culturally specific tendency in Korean blogsphere. Over 90 percent of Korean Internet users in their twenties are members of Cyworld (http://times.hankooki.com). Its phenomenal popularity and social impact generated cultural syndrome across generations, ages, and genders as its membership equates approximately to one quarter of the nation’s entire population. Referring to the obsessive use of Cyworld, new jargons such as Cying (doing Cyworld)’ and Cy-pein (Cy fanatic/geeks) have become popular additions to everyday conversation. In this context, it is not surprising that most Korean/English studies of SNS and blogsphere in Korea focus on Cyworld.

Most of all, it is the unique formal aspects of Cyworld that distinguish it from common blog applications and thus show how technology is culturally shaped and appropriated into a specific emotional technology. Cyworld provides a personal space called Mini-hompy, which MySpace adopted in a similar way, and Il-chon (literally, the first degree kinship) system, a tool to network with other Cyworld users (an equivalent to ‘neighbors’ in MySpace). In essence, by providing cute layouts, avatars, images, virtual goods, and hip multimedia content, Cyworld represents the cute aesthetics - the unique operating principle of popular culture in Korea as well as in Japan. This culturally friendly system (cute aesthetics, Il-chon) and easy application tools allow the user to express his/her identity through the customization of Mini-hompy and encourage migratory practice across interconnected digital media sphere (Hjorth & Kim, 2005).

Cultural factors are often accredited for the success of Cyworld since long-term human network maintenance is regarded as highly important in the collectivistic and interdependent Korean society. The adoption of blogging as a tool to reaffirm offline social relation is a pervasive phenomenon that is not limited to Cyworld: Relation-oriented blogs are generally more popular in Korea (Na et al, 2007). Korean youth also primarily engage with Cyworld to micromanage their social relationship (Kim & Yun, 2008). In fact, according to Jang & Nam (2006), the most frequented type of sites for Korean youth is Mini-hompy/blog. Café board ranks the second and Internet game site follows. Na et al (2007)’s comparative ethnographic study of blog-type young Internet users and game-type users reveal that blog-type interest users tend to valorize relation-oriented activity. However, young people adopt the careful ‘social’ filtering system by utilizing screening tools embedded in Cyworld (Choi, 2006). In this sense, Mini-hompy functions as a closed or controlled open space. Recently, the closed usage of Cyworld for securing personal space is increasing significantly as 30 percent of Cyworld users identify themselves as solely diary recorders (Hwang et al, 2008).

Overall, as in many other national contexts, youth Internet culture in Korea has met with ambivalent responses in public and academic discourse. Blogging is generally received as a positive activity since it motivates young Koreans to blog to build ‘self-respect’ and ‘self-identity’ (Kim, 2006). On the contrary, young people’s fun-oriented consumption/reappropriation of multimedia content in online space is more vulnerable to securitizing eyes. In fact, Internet has already replaced old media as the preferred mode of media consumption: Creating and sharing multimedia content has become common practice among Korean youth. Before Youtube grabbed the heart of global viewers, Korean online space was already flooded with busy file transmissions as soon as domestic media production softwares and commercial P2P sites and UCC sites (notably, Pandora TV and GomTV) opened their channels. In a broader context, this play culture that messes around with media content forms part of young people’s widespread practice of new media production, which I will dwell on in a following blog post.

Lastly, what is particularly interesting about Korean youth Internet culture is the increasing mobilization of young people for civic engagement through the use of diverse new media technologies. Recent ‘Candlelight Protests’ organized against American beef import in 2008 was a watershed moment because teenagers emerged as the new political agents (especially, teenage girls). Active and organized teenagers’ participation set off and sustained the event. On the first day of candlelight protest in May 2nd 2008, teenagers comprised 60-70 percent of attendees and the image of ‘Candlelight Girls’ immediately became the icon of this civil movement (Lee & Jung, 2008). Although the main cause for the protest was the resumed import of American beef with insufficient measures to screen mad cow disease that might affect their well-beings in the future, many argues that it was Korean teenagers’ ongoing dissatisfaction with the repressive educational system and fear for intensifying competition driven by new government’s educational policies (such as ‘Immersive English Teaching Program’) that triggered teenagers’ voluntary collective action.

However, ‘e-politics’ of Korean youth is not a sudden phenomenon. Candlelight girls have their predecessors. Social issues that mobilized Korean youth to participate in real action are diverse in their scope and scale, from more direct political events such as the 2002 presidential election (Kim, 2004) and the anti-American protest around the middle school girls accidental death by GI (Bhuiyan, 2004) to micro-level problems of educational systems. In particular, Lee et al (2007) traces preceding incidents that “digital natives” have collectively voiced out through online communities: ‘No Cut’ campaign (against rigid hairstyle controls in the secondary schools) in 2000, the protest against reformed university entrance selection system (2004), and the campaign of the ‘National Network for the Protection of Student Human Rights’ in 2005. Significantly, No-cut campaign is recorded as one of the first successful e-political movements of Korean youth that led to the revision of official policy.

Youth also brought new mode of political communication. Korean youth demonstrated savvy use of diverse communication channels in delivering their voices, which is clearly distinguished from the monolithic and centralized mode of dominant media. While online space provides the main channel to obtain and share information as well as to form the public opinion, mobile phone plays a key role in mobilizing and coordinating actions on the spot as well as recording/live broadcasting the progress of the event. These multiple forms of news get spread across diverse media channels including their own Mini-hompy/blog, SMS, and portal sites. At the same time, Lee (2007) highlights young people’s changed attitude toward political engagement, which has become more ‘fun’ oriented. In other words, young people tend to combine participation in social and political affairs with play, parody, humor, wit and caricature to express their feelings and opinions rather than direct criticism. Memorable scenes from the candlelight protest are inundated with creative picket signs of diverse causes and witty performances in a free speech podium. (i.e. skit, dancing, and singing). These displays of playful demonstration resonate with the comparatively unrestrained participatory culture of young people in Internet space. However, the significance and implication of these recent incidents and the e-politics of Korean youth are still under discussion and require more thorough analysis. As Park (2002) criticizes, while Internet provides the alternative public forum for young people to voice out easily, it does not automatically guarantee the actual attendance of young voters.

References

English Sources

Bae, I. (2003). Cyber Influences on the Youth and Related Policies in South Korea: Focused on Internet. Journal of Youth Studies-Hong Kong, 6(1), 144-157.

Bhuiyan, S. I. (2004). Use of Internet in Political Participation in South Korea. Asia Pacific Media Educator, (15), 115-130.

Choi, J. (2006). Living in Cyworld: Contextualizing Cy-ties in South Korea.  In Uses of Blogs (pp. 173-186). New York: Peter Lang.

Hjorth, L., & Kim, H. (2005). Being There and Being Here: Gendered Customizing of 3G Mobile Practices – Through a Case Study in Seoul. Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies, 11, 49-55.

Kim, H. H. (2004). Broadband Penetration and Participatory Politics: South Korea Case. In Proceedings of the 37th Annual Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. Hawaii, USA. Retrieved July 30, 2008, from http://csdl2.computer.org/persagen/DLAbsToc.jsp?resourcePath=/dl/proceedings/&toc=comp/proceedings/hicss/2004/2056/05/2056toc.xml&DOI=10.1109/HICSS.2004.1265301.

Kim, K., & Yun, H. (2007). Cying for Me, Cying for Us: Relational Dialectics in a Korean Social Network Site. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 13(1). Retrieved July 31, 2008, from http://jcmc.indiana.edu/vol13/issue1/kim.yun.html.

Kim, K. (2006). Internet addiction in Korean Adolescents and Its relation to Depression and Suicidal Ideation: A questionnaire Survey. International Journal of Nursing Studies, 43(2), 185-192.

Lee, H., Han, G., Oh, S., & Phillips, R. (2007). Participation, Young people and the Internet: Digital Natives in Korea. In Generational Change and New Policy Changes: Australia and South Korea, Sydney, Australia: Sydney University Press. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2084.

Park, L. (2002). Artisanship, Political Interest and Voting Behavior Influenced by Information Technology: Cyber-Life versus Real-Life of Young Generation. In Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. Boston, USA.

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Korean literature

Cho, H. (2006). Jisikjeongbosahweowa Cheongsonyeunmunhwa Jegochal: Cheongsonyeuneui Online Community Chamyeowa Jisik, Jeongbo Seupdeukleul Jungsimeuro (Rethinking Youth Culture in Information Society: Youth Participation in On-line Community and Acquisition of Knowledge and Information). Educational Anthropology Study, 9(2), 141-166.

Cho, H. J. (2007). Internetsideui Munhwayeongu: Juche, Hyeonjang, georigo Seroun “Sahyoi”e dehayeo (Cultural Studies in Internet Age: Subject, Sites, and New “Society”). In H. J. Cho et al, (Eds.), Internet and Asian Cultural Studies. Seoul, Korea: Yonsei University Press.

Choi, W. (2005). Cheongsonyeungwa Cybermunhwa (Youth and Cyberculture). In Cheongsonyeun Munhwaron (Youth Culture Studies). Seoul, Korea: National Youth Policy Institute.

Hwang, J. (2003). Cheonsonyeunui Cybercommunity Chamyei mit Yiyongsilte Yeongu (A Study of Adolescents’ Participation in Cyber community). Seoul, Korea: National Youth Policy Institute.

Hwang, S. (2000). Sinsedae(N sede)ui Jagipyohyeungwa Cyber gongganeseoui Sanghojakyong: Sagowa Hengdong Yangsikui Byeunhwareul Jungsimeoro (Adolescents` Self - Expression and Their Interaction Patterns in Cyberspace ; Exploration of Behavior patterns and Thoughts). Korean Journal of Psychology, 13(3), 9-19.

Hwang, S., Kim, J., & Cho, H. (2008). Cybergonggansokeui Gwangye Mecgi: Cyworld Yiyonghendonge Natanan Social Network Hwaldong Yangsande Dehan Tamsek (Self and Community Experience in Cyberspace: Social Networking in Cyworld). Korean Journal of Consumer and Advertising Psychology, 9(2), 285-303.

Jang, K., & Nam, J. (2006). Cheongsonyeon Jeongbohwa Hyeunhwanggwa Deeungbangan II ( Adolescents’ Informatization and Measures) . Seoul, Korea: National Youth Policy Institute.

Kang, M. (2003). Sayclubeui Cheongsonyeun Community ( Youth Community in Sayclub). In A Study of Youth Participation and Use of Cyber Community (pp. 175-183). Seoul, Korea: Korea Institute for Youth Development.

Kim, J. (2003). Damoimeui Cheongsonyeun Community (Youth Community in Damoim). In A Study of Youth Participation and Use of Cyber Community (pp. 184-197). Seoul, Korea: Korea Institute for Youth Development.

Kim, Y. (2001). Cheongsonyeon Deangongganeuroseoui Cyberspace Hwalyong Siltewa Uimi (Adolescents’ Use of Cyberspace as Alternative Space). Korean Youth Studies, 33, 157-180.

Kim, Y. (2006). Blogui Mediajeok Gineunggwa Hange: Blog Yiyongjaui Blog Yiyong Hengtewa Pyeonggareul Jungsimeuro (A Study on the Blog as a Media: Focused on Media Functions and the Problems of the Blog). Korea Journalism & Communication Studies, 50(3), 59-91.

Lee, C., & Jung, E. (2008). Chotbulmunhwajee natanan Cheongsonyeuneui Sahyeuichamyeo Teukseounge dehan Yeongu (A Study of the Characteristics of Youth Participation through the Candle Culture Festivals against the Import of U.S. Beef). Communication Science Studies, 8(3), 457-491.

Na, E., Park, S., & Kim, E. (2007). Cheongsonyeuneui Internet Yiyong Yuhyeongbyeul Media Yiyong Yangsikgwa Jeokeung: Bloghyeonggwa Gamehyeongeul Jungsimeuro (Media Use and Adjustment of Adolescents according to the Types of Internet Use: Focusing on blog-Type and Game-Type). Korea Journalism Studies, 51(2), 392-524.

National Information Society Agency. (2008). Kukga Jeongbo Sahwoehwa Bekseo (National Informatization Whitepaper). Seoul, Korea.

Park, J. (2003).  Hyudejeonhwa, Internet, Televisionui Media Sokseong Chaiwa Yiyong Donggi Yoin Yeongu (The Media Characteristics and Use Motives of Cellular Phone, Internet and Television In Korea). Korean Journalism Studies, 47(2), 221-251.

Soh, Y. (2002). Internet Communitywa Hanguksahoi (Internet Community and Korean Society. Seoul, Korea: Hanul Academy.

Until the late 1990s, it was hard to imagine that one day Korea would become one of the most powerful players in the global digital media scene. Korea’s current prestige as an ‘IT power house,‘ ‘global digital test bed,’ ‘the most wired country,’ and ‘online gamers’ heaven’ seems to have arrived as a sudden revelation given that “fewer than 1 percent of South Korean residents used the internet in 1984 but by 2004 more than 71 percent of South Korean households subscribed to broadband net service”(Borland and Kanelos, 2004). Since 2002, Korea has been ranked first in the ITU’s Digital Opportunity Index (ITU, 2007), which shows that Korea is fully saturated in most sectors of ICT including games, mobile media, and Internet. In addition, as an early adopter of the latest new media services, Korea’s local experience has become more significant to understanding global new media culture and the dynamics between the local and global. For instance, due to the predominance of domestic technologies and services, Korea has been known for being a difficult market to crack for global Internet services. Yahoo and Google both experienced bitter failure. Recently, after a ten-month struggle, MySpace announced to shut down its local office and the Korean language service by the end of February (www.etnew.co.kr).

To understand Korea’s unique position in global new media landscape, it is vital to consider that, as in most developing countries, rapid technological development has been one of the most urgent collective goals in Korea. Since the 1980s, Korean society, by state intervention, has embarked on an accelerated process of ‘technological modernization’ and ‘informatzation,’ which has been expected to change the fate of the economy, national military power, and social well being in the face of global flows. Considering this social significance, ICT and digital media culture is highly valorized in Korean society. In other words, public discourse surrounding new media practices tends to highlight the economic value of ICT. In particular, after the economic crisis in 1997, this techno-nationalistic discourse has acquired a stronger voice and underlined overall cultural efforts to implement innovative new media services based on ICT. While nation-wide broadband network set the key foundation, game and mobile phone industries have crystallized this paradigm by not only creating the new revenue of national economy but also affecting everyday cultural practices in Korea, particularly those of young people. In this context, it is not surprising to find the sheer opulence of literatures on technological innovations, business models, and policymaking in addition to conventional media effects studies and quantitative communication studies.

Demographic data

Korea has slightly less than 50 million people and the youth population (under 25) makes up about 45.4 percent (KSIS, 2009). About 81 percent of total population lives in urban areas as of 2006 (www.unicef.org). This high-density of urban residence, intensified by prevalent housing patterns in high-rise apartment complexes, is often considered as a favorable factor in wiring the country in a short time. Koreans’ passion for higher education accounts for another secret of the digital revolution. With a well-established compulsory public education system and excessive social expectations regarding higher education, the level of educational achievement in Korea is comparatively high. The most recent nation-wide survey in 2008 shows that adult (over 19 years of age) literacy rate is about 98.3 percent. In 2009, about 93 percent of Koreans are reported to enroll in tertiary school while the primary school enrollment ratio reaches 100 percent (KSIS, 2009). However, as good performance in school education, especially success on college entrance exams, is highly, often obsessively, valorized, private tutoring and cram schools outside of the public education system flourish and other extra-curricular activities for youth are fairly limited. It is reported that Korean adolescents spend their break time after school mostly in after-school programs/tutoring (57.9%), staying at home (15.9%), and gaming (10.2%) (Jang, 2006).

As in other contexts where rapid technological development often entails ruptures within existing social systems and values, the discussion of macro-level social changes in relation to technology use tends to bring up the issue of generational identity of young people, who are the major player in digital media culture. Touted as ‘Digital Generation,’ ‘N Generation,’ ‘Cyber Sinillyu (new human species: new generation)’ ‘Thumb Tribe,’ and ‘Netizen (Net + Citizen),’ Korean Youth have emerged not only as the most powerful and active consumer group but also as new political, social and cultural agents.

Technological data

In 2007, 77 percent of Korean use the Internet on daily base while young people under 30 forms a majority of Internet users, with a usage ratio of 99 percent (NIA, 2008). Since high-speed broadband service was introduced in 1997, it has quickly become the index of digital Korea. In 2005, Korea ranked first for the penetration ratio of high-speed broadband (OECD). Over 14 million Koreans currently are subscribed to high-speed broadband Internet, which is 30.50 percent of the entire population (ITU, 2008). However, if we look at the subscription ratio of high-speed broadband per 100 households, the number increases to 91 percent in 2007 (NIA, 2008). It means that the majority of household enjoys the high-speed broadband connection across the country. Currently, there are eight high-speed broadband service providers including Korea Telecom, SK broadband (Hanaro Telecom), LG powercom, Raincom and others in addition to local cable service providers, which are all private corporations as of now. With KT leading the market, three major telecoms, Korea Telecom, SK telecom, LG telecom, compete in the growing convergent telecommunications market with diverse package products combining broadband internet, IP TV (KT and SKT), mobile phone, fixed landline telephone (KT) and internet phone (VolP).

Korean Internet users primarily access Internet from home computer (96.3 %) or from work (33.1%). Commercial sites such as PC bang (which literally means, PC room, a Korean form of Internet café) follow as 20.9 percent of users frequent these sites. Wireless Internet users through mobile phones are increasing, with 42 million subscribers in 2008 (NIA. 2008). This diversity of locations for Internet access outside of the individual household subscription and the ubiquity of Internet networks unconstrained in physical sites is one of the indicators of the wired Korea. What is particularly interesting is the age-specific preference to certain access sites. While young people in their thirties are comparatively more adaptive to non-location specific (including wireless internet) Internet use, those in their teens and twenties significantly opt for commercial sites (NIA, 2008). In this context, the role of PC bang in shaping Korean Internet culture is noteworthy, particularly to understand youth engagement with the Internet, which I will discuss further in a subsequent post. In general, youth digital media culture in Korea is deeply integrated into the existing commercial entertainment industry, which has actively incorporated digital media devices to expand their conventional venues. Research shows that Korean youth use the computer mostly to find entertainment-related information, to play games, and to use email (Jung et al, 2005). Gaming is indeed the predominant online practice among Korean youth (44.6%)(Korean Game Industry Promotion Agency, 2005). 

Along with broadband, mobile phones, commonly referred to as handphone, emerged as the central player in the midst of transformation toward the digital Korea. Since ETRI and the consortium of corporations launched the world’s first commercial CDMA mobile phone service in 1996, Korea has been a step ahead in exploring CDMA based technological innovations and the latest mobile media services including mobile TV (DMB: Digital Multimedia Broadcasting) and Wibro (the first wireless high-speed broadband). Mobile technologies are probably the most rapidly updating sector in Korean technosphere; their impacts are immediate and visible as they continuously replace or refurbish old communication and media services. For instance, as mobile phone subscriptions reached 90.20 percent in 2007, the fixed landline telephones have gradually given away to mobile-based telephony (http://www.itu.int). A teledensity of fixed landline telephones in 2006 was 65.50 yet it drastically dropped to 46.44 in the next year.  Currently, three major carriers run Korean mobile phone service: SK Telecom, KTF and LG Telecom. They use a monthly billing system that charges according to the accumulated minute usage combined with a range of package options for data service. In fact, Korean mobile carriers are known for their quick and innovative adaptation of/experiments with diverse content service and savvy business strategies to operate the most segmented markets customized for various age groups (McClleland, 2004). Voice and text remain the primary communication modes of mobile phones. However, additional features such as camera, multimedia content service, mobile TV, and wireless Internet are increasingly becoming common.

One of the notable aspects of Korean mobile phones is their continuous evolution to the personal, portable, and convergent media platform. Since SKT inaugurated its commercial 3G mobile phone service (technically 2.5 G with CDMA 2000 1-x system) in 2002, subscribers have gradually increased to about 33 million in 2008 (NISA, 2008). Mobile TV is another memorable addition to this trend toward convergence – especially, convergence between telecommunication and broadcasting- media culture. Two different formats of DMB, T-DBS (Terrestrial DMB) and S-DBS (satellite DMB), have 11 million subscribers in early 2007. Mobile phone is the most common platform to access mobile TV service (95 % for S-DMB and 37.6 % for T-DMB (Ok, 2008)). These new media services not only carry out their intended mission to boost the national economy in the global market but also characterize the multimedia-centered new media practices in Korea.

References

Borland J. & Kanelos, K. (July 28 2004). South Korea Leads the Way. CNET News.com. Retrieved August 25, 2005, from http://www.CNETnews.com.

International Telecommunication Union. (2008). World Information Society Report 2007. Retrieved August 29, 2008, from http://www.itu.int/osg/spu/publications/worldinformationsociety/2007.

Jang, K. Y. (2006). Cheongsonyeon Jeongbohwa Hyeunhwanggwa Deungbangan II : Cheongsonyeonui online Senghwalgwa Hakeopjeokeung Hyeunhwang (Informatization among Adolescents and Measures: Online life and School Achievement of Korean Adolescents). Seoul, Korea: National Youth Policy Institute.

Jung, J., Kim, Y., Lin, W., & Cheong, P. H. (2005). The Influence of Social Environment on Internet Connectedness of Adolescents in Seoul, Singapore and Taipei. New Media Society, 7(1), 64-88.

Korean Game Industry Promotion Agency. (2005). Korean Game white Paper. Seoul, Korea.

Korean Statistical Information. (2009). Annuls of International Statistics. Seoul, Korea.

McClleland, S. (2004). South Korea: A CDMA Success Story. Telecommunications International, 38 (9), g S7.

National Information Society Agency. (2008, 2007). Kukga Jeongbo Sahwoehwa Bekseo (National Informatization Whitepaper). Seoul, Korea.

Ok. H.R. (2008). Screens on the Move: Media Convergence and Mobile Culture in Korea. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA.