Monday, May 11, 2009
New Media Production in Ghana, Part V: Gaming
Gaming is a completely unexplored area in Ghana. Other than two instances of Ghanaians trying to develop computer games, there is little information on this topic. In the first case, the founders of Leti Games, based in Ghana, announced in early 2009 that they had developed a game – Bugzvilla – for the iPhone (http://whiteafrican.com/2009/03/24/iphone-and-computer-game-development-in-africa/). The developers indicated that the game would be available on iTunes in April. As at May 11, however, I could not find it in the iTunes App Store. A visit to the company website shows no active links and the message, “We’ll be back.”
Another Ghanaian, in response to the assertion that a game created by a Kenyan programmer was possibly the first 3D game in Africa shot back a response noting that he had developed the first such game as a final school project, which had won a competition in 2006 (http://www.ghanathink.org/blog/2006/11/1gtpc06-we-have-a-winner). It does not appear that the game went into production.
Some mobile phone users report playing games on their phones, especially when bored (Sey, 2008), but the extent of this is unknown. Clearly, issues surrounding actual adoption and use of computer games within the Ghanaian population remain to be investigated or at least documented.
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Sunday, May 10, 2009
New Media Practices in Ghana, Part IV: New Media Production
As I have stated in my earlier posts, few researchers have delved into the uses of digital media in Ghana. This is even more obvious in the case of media production (and gaming, see next post). This may be attributed to the poor digital infrastructure and access levels, as well as low literacy levels. On the other hand, preoccupations with affordable communication with local and diasporic kinship networks, and/or pursuing foreign tickets out of the country, may be the primary forces shaping the structure of digital media use.
I’m certain there are pockets of activity, however these have not been captured empirically. Afrigator’s list of top ranked blogs shows 115 blogs (on a variety of topics) for Ghana, of which the top two are Ethan Zuckerman’s blog on life in Accra and David Ajao’s blog on telecommunications and related issues in Africa.
Top Ten Ghana blogs
1. My heart’s in Accra
2. Oluniyi David Ajao
3. Nubian Cheetah
4. Koranteng’s Toli
5. Accra by Day & Night
6. Wo Se Ekyir: What Your Mamma never told you about Ghana
7. The Trials and Tribulations of A Freshly-Arrived Denizen
8. Annansi Chronicles
9. Ramblings of a Procrastinator in Accra
10 Odzangba Kafui Dake’s blog
Source: http://afrigator.com/blogstats/countryblogs/Ghana/page/1
The 2008 national election in Ghana seems to have generated some journalist and citizen media activity in the digital realm. Ethan Zuckerman observes a surprising number of political videos during this period, including informational, man-on-the-street interviews, advertisements and videos monitoring activity at polling stations. These materials are however, mostly the work of journalists and news houses, rather than grassroots productions. Twitter was apparently the medium of choice for several voters wishing to comment on their experience. Political organizations such as the African Elections project also used Twitter as a communication tool during the elections (Serra, 2008).
Source: http://globalvoicesonline.org/2008/12/08/twittering-the-ghanaian-elections/
The proliferation of mobile telephones does not appear to have led to any particularly prominent media production trends. Televisions stations have facilitated citizen participation through invitations to mobile phone users to express their opinions on a variety of questions via text messaging.
Text messages on TV3, November 12, 2006, by Araba Sey
As with internet research, the area of new media production would benefit from much more research.
References
Serra, E. V. (December 8, 2008). Twittering the Ghanaian election. Global voices. http://globalvoicesonline.org/2008/12/08/twittering-the-ghanaian-elections/.
Literature Reviews • Media Production • Comments (0) • Permalink
Saturday, May 09, 2009
New Media Practices in Ghana, Part III: The Internet
Inside BusyInternet cafe, by Aluetia
The high cost of personal computers and residential internet access puts private access out the reach of most Ghanaians. Thus, internet cafés are the primary means of access to the internet for most of the population. These shared access venues are also concentrated in urban areas. ITU statistics estimate that there were about 880,000 internet users (3.8% of the population) in Ghana by the end of 2008, but it’s not clear how over or underestimated this is considering the high use of shared access. In 2001, Southwood suggested that the then estimate of 1 million cyber-cafés was probably an exaggeration. Bruce, Engman & Yador (2004) believed that there were 20,000 private and corporate subscribers and as many as 1million internet users in 2004.
Notwithstanding the low access levels, media reports point to bustling business for internet café owners – evidenced in headlines such as “the cybercafe craze” (Daily Graphic, 2003). Access points range from small microentrepreneurial outfits with a handful of computers using dialup connections, to large enterprises equipped with up to 100 computers and high-speed internet access. The majority is located in the capital city, Accra, attracting anywhere from 10 to 1500 patrons a day (Daily Graphic, 2003).
While there are several tales, and some research, illustrating the application (or projects attempting application) of the internet to business and community development, indications are that for a significant proportion of users, the internet represents an “escape” mechanism (Slater & Kwami, 2005) both literally and metaphorically. This deduction is based mainly on observations of internet café users in Accra; there does not appear to be much research or even journalistic commentary, on the character of internet use at work or in the home by those who have such access. Nor has there been much examination of internet use outside the Greater Accra region. Sending emails, finding and communicating with “penpals”, applying to schools abroad, watching movies, listening to music, and playing games have been found to be primary acitivities at internet cafés (Alhassan, 2004; Burrell, 2009; Daily Graphic, 2003; Slater & Kwami, 2005). In particular, the aspiration to find avenues out of the local economy seems to drive internet-based activities. Alhassan (2004, p.197) states, “about three of every four students who surfed the web, explored avenues of leaving the country,” and Mark Davies, founder of the largest internet café in the country is quoted as saying of BusyInternet users, “four our of five are trying to find ways to get out of Ghana” (Zachary, 2002, p.72). Internet activity is thus infused with desires to connect to (often random) foreigners in the hope that the relationships developed online will provide a path to greener pastures abroad – invitations to visit, marriage proposals, visa assistance, physical cash etc (Alhassan, 2004; Burrell, 2009; Slater & Kwami, 2005; Zachary, 2002). Some do this through information-seeking (e.g., on educational opportunities); others focus on communication channels such as chatting, instant messaging, and social network sites. Furthermore, some of these endeavours are well-meant whilst others are elaborate scams designed to dupe gullible contacts (see section on cyber fraud below). In this sense, Slater and Kwami (2005) frame internet use in Ghana as a poverty reduction strategy aimed at the realization of idealized foreign relationships, while Burrell characterizes it as providing the ability to “migrate virtually” (2009). Likewise, Tettey (2006) describing cybersexual activity in Ghana concludes that female youth’s participation in the online sex trade, sometimes unwittingly, is often an economic redress, but also illustrates ingenuity in dealing with economic hardship. On the more positive side, Borzekowski, Fobil & Asante (2006) found that a significant proportion (53%) of respondents in their study of teenagers used the internet as a source of health information, amongst other things.
“Sakawa,” “419” (Cyber fraud)
Known locally as “sakawa” or “419,” cyber fraud is a particularly problematic phonomenon that now has Ghana ranked as number two in notoriety, and several North American merchants blocking e-commerce transactions from Ghana (Harvey, 2009; Kwablah, 2009; Nelson, 2009). Scams include making online purchases with stolen credit cards, online dating scams, inviting contacts to participate in mutually beneficial money transfers, etc. Internet dating scams have become so prevalent that user help sites such as the one illustrated below (DelphiFAQ.com) and eHarmony blog have emerged all over the internet. The US embassy in Ghana reportedly receives up to 15 calls a week from American victims of online dating scams (Seacoast Online, 2009).
http://www.delphifaq.com/faq/russian_marriage_scams/f1369.shtml?p=68
According to a report on Myjoyonline (2009), the perpetrators are usually young men between the ages of 7 and 30, typically known as “café boys.” Interestingly, in addition to noting the negative side of cyber crime, this report identifies a number of actual and potential benefits including development of computer skills, stabilization of the local currency as a result of remittances, fewer youth engaging in criminal activity on the streets, redistibution of wealth, and patronage of internet café and ISP services. Burrell (2009) explains that the social construction of the internet as a space for wealth acquisition perpetuates futile attempts by internet café users to tap into this source through internet scams. Rumors of the fortunes of successful scammers fuel other perpetrators who, while unsuccessful, and even with no direct knowledge of anyone who has been successful, continue to pursue and expend resources on this path.
Alexa.com (2009) data shows two local content sites amongst the top 10 websites visited in Ghana (Ghana Web, a news portal and My Joy Online, a local FM radio station).
1. Yahoo!
2. Google (Ghana version of search engine)
3. Facebook
4. Windows Live
5. YouTube
6. Ghana Web
7. Microsoft Network (MSN)
8. hi5
9. Wikipedia
10. My Joy Online
Google now offers a Ghana version of its search engine, although it is does not presently provide any unique capabilities for Ghanaian users (Ajao, 2008). The language barrier to broader use of the internet is also potentially being lowered by the introduction of vernacular translations of the same search engine.
Clearly, the field for research on new media practices in Ghana is wide open. The limited (published) work done in Accra paints a picture that even if accurate, may not represent user behavior across the country.
References
Ajao, O.D. (April 10, 2008). Announcing Google Ghana. Accessed May 9 2009 at http://www.davidajao.com/blog/2008/04/10/announcing-google-ghana/.
Alexa.com. (2009). Top 100 websites in Ghana. Accessed April 24, 2009 at http://www.alexa.com/topsites/countries/GH.
Borzekowski, D. L. G.; Fobil, J. N.; & Asante, K. O. (2006). Online access by adolescents in Accra: Ghanaian teens’ use of the internet for health information. Developmental Psychology, 42(3), 450-458.
Bruce, C., Engmann, P., & Yador, J. (2004). ICT infrastructure and research priorities of Ghanaian research institutions. CTN/Techgov. Accessed January 15, 2008 at http://www.ghanacybergroup.com/research/getres.asp?MC=RE&cat=4&id=15.
Burrell, J. (2009). User agency in the middle: Rumors and reinvention of the internet in Accra, Ghana. Unpublished draft. Cited with permission of author.
Daily Graphic. (February 26, 2003). The cybercafe craze. Available at http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/features/artikel.php?ID=33323.
Harvey, F. (2009). Internet crime in Ghana. Accessed March 15 at http://www.associatedcontent.com/article/281030/internet_crime_in_ghana.html?cat=17.
Kwablah, E. (February 17, 2009). Cyber crime: giving a bad name to Ghana. Business and Financial Times. Accessed May 4, 2009 at http://ghanabusinessnews.com/2009/02/17/cyber-crime-giving-a-bad-name-to-ghana/.
Myjoyonline. (March 3, 2009). Feature: Curbing cyber fraud: The way forward. Accessed March 19 at http://topics.myjoyonline.com/features/200903/27001.asp.
Nelson, N. B. (January 14, 2009). Ghana internet faud on the increase in Accra. Accessed May 4 at http://allafrica.com/stories/200901140783.html.
Seacoast Online. (April 5, 2009). Online dating scams on the rise in the U.S. Accessed April 5, 2009 at http://archive.seacoastonline.com/news/11052006/nhnews-05SUN-net-theft.html.
Southwood, R. (2001). Black star rising? – Special report direct from Ghana. Balancing Act, 82. Available at http://www.balancingact-africa.com/news/back/balancing-act_82.html.
Tettey, W. (2006). Globalization, the economy of desire, and cybersexual activity among Ghanaian youth. Studies in Political Economy, 77, 33-55.
Zachary, P. (2002). Ghana’s digital dilemma. Technology Review, 105, 66-73.
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